A Man of Tried Courage, Patriotism, and Fidelity: Major Thomas Maxwell and the War of 1812

 On July 7, 1818 Colonel Joseph L Smith, commanding officer of the 3^rd Infantry Regiment and of Detroit, wrote to Daniel Parker, the Adjutant and Inspector General of the Army at Washington, D.C., regarding an aged man who was setting off on a journey back east: “Sir, Major Thompson Maxwell who has been on duty at this place for the last two or three years in the capacity of principle barrack master is about to visit- walking, too…” The man he spoke of claimed to have been a survivor of at least four wars: the French and Indian War (1754-1763), Pontiac’s Rebellion (1763-1766), the American Revolution (1775-1783), and the War of 1812 (1812-1815). He had fought as one of Roger’s Rangers; had been one of the disguised Sons of Liberty who participated in the Boston Tea Party; had been a captain in the Massachusetts militia during Shay’s Rebellion in 1787.

            Whether Maxwell was present at all these events is not undisputed by historians. One recent web article calls him “the Forrest Gump of the American Revolution” (https://www.newenglandhistoricalsociety.com/thompson-maxwell-the-forrest-gump-of-the-american-revolution/ accessed 5/5/2021). However, what is easier to verify is his service during the War of 1812, which is verified by both primary and secondary sources. Most of the latter remark on his presence with William Hull’s army when it marched to Detroit. However, in the aftermath of Hull’s surrender of Detroit, a local mob singled out Thomas Maxwell for reprisal and burned his house down. Homeless and destitute, in his 60s, Maxwell remained with the American army throughout the rest of the war.

            In 1800, Maxwell and his family had moved to Ohio and settled in Butler County, north of Cincinnati. Maxwell made a living, apparently, by driving hogs overland to Detroit, and from this and his service during the French and Indian War and Pontiac’s War—during which he had been to Detroit and Mackinac, he had a good knowledge of the wilderness between the Ohio settlements and the Michigan Territory. During Hull’s campaign he made a lifelong friendship with Lt. Colonel James Miller of the 4^th Infantry Regiment. When Colonel Miller led an American force south from Detroit to try and break open the supply lines to Frenchtown, Thompson Maxwell volunteered to serve as chief scout, and went on horseback ahead of the column. A few days before, another American column had been ambushed and several scouts had been killed and mutilated. Maxwell himself claimed to have survived the infamous Battle of Bloody Run in July 1763 which had occurred only a few miles away outside Detroit. This time, there was another, stronger ambush which would be called the Battle of Maguagon, but Maxwell survived, and the Americans counter-attacked and won the day.

            However, in the wake of William Hull’s surrender of Detroit, Thompson Maxwell had to give up his horse, bridle and saddle to the enemy. He was paroled with most of the other Ohio volunteers and dropped off in Cleveland to make his way home as best as he could. His homecoming was a sour one. Another Ohio officer, a Captain Robertson who had been accused of cowardice during a skirmish near the Au Canard River during the campaign apparently sought to deflect his role in the defeat and got together a mob to attack him. Maxwell and his family escaped the mob, but they burned his house and most of his possessions. The Major’s reputation with the senior officers of the army was such that he was able to get letters of introduction from Colonels Lewis Cass, James Finley, Duncan McArthur, Major Thomas Van Horne, and Colonel Miller recommending him to Major General William Henry Harrison for service: “We can safely recommend him to any employment which requires firmness and perseverance.” (Harrison Papers).

            Major Maxwell had an aura of experience which awed younger officers. Lieutenant Joseph H Larwill encountered him on February 1, 1813 at the Northwestern Army’s camp on the Portage River: “He was one of those who was taken at Fort Edward, fought at Detroit and Bloody Knife when attacked by the noted Indian Pontiac, was through the most difficult scenes of the Revolutionary War and distinguished himself at Brownstown and in Hull’s Campaign. He is too feeble to stand the fatigues of a march but his breast burns with love of country and is desirous of rendering all the service that lies in his power, cares not the situation he may be placed in.”

            Maxwell served on General Harrison’s staff as a civilian guide through the early months of 1813 and was present during the construction of Fort Meigs. However, after the Battle of Frenchtown in January 1813, during which some local militiamen who had been involved in Hull’s campaign were captured again, there was fear that volunteers who might be captured again before being officially exchanged would be sent to Quebec and hung for breaking their parole. This apparently nearly happened to another scout named Whitmore Knaggs, who was captured a second time by Indians but let go. Maxwell returned to Butler County on February 25, 1813 only to find that his second wife had died 20 days beforehand.

Maxwell stayed with his son, until three days later when an anonymous note appeared at the house: “if you secret Maxwell another night, your home will share the same fate with his.”  After that, Thompson Maxwell stayed with other friends, travelled to Cincinnati, and was hosted for a while by Duncan McArthur in Chillicothe before trekking back to Cleveland where the commanding officer was another friend from Hull’s army: Major Thomas Jesup. From Cleveland Maxwell rejoined the American Army at Fort George, and remained with it as a volunteer throughout 1813 and 1814.

By 1814 both Major Thomas Jesup and Colonel James Miller had assumed command of regiments in the Left Division commanded by Major General Jacob Brown (Jesup commanded the famous 25^th Infantry in Winfield Scott’s Brigade, and Miller commanded the 21^st Infantry in Eleazar Ripley’s Brigade.) Major Maxwell seems to have served alongside them as a forage master until the siege of Fort Erie, when he was captured somewhere in Upper Canada outside the American perimeter of the fort. There is another element of serendipity here too, since the dragoons who captured him were led by Major Peter L. Chambers of the 41^st Regiment of Foot. Chambers might have recognized Maxwell from the surrender of Detroit, and had served with the British forces in the Northwest before being captured himself at the Battle of the Thames in 1813.

Thompson Maxwell again lost his horse, his hat and spurs, and was left with nothing but a handkerchief to wear on his head as he was marched into captivity. The prisoners were made to walk 60 miles to Kingston. On a stop at Hamilton, they were forced to stay in a small room, “the stench was so bad and I feeble, that I came back to the door and leaned against the side of it.” The captain of the guard ordered him to go back in, despite Maxwell’s protest that he was sick. In response, the officer ordered the sentry to force him back into the room with the point of a bayonet. “At this moment Major Rogers (the commissary of prisoners) came along and asked what was the matter.” When Maxwell told him his name, Rogers recognized him as a man his father had mentioned having served with during the French and Indian War:

“Major R. gave the Captain d----, and said to me “Come along with me!” He was put up in a house, given a clean shirt and a blanket coat, and sent to Kingston on a horse. In Kingston he was well treated, but in late October he was transferred to Montreal in an open boat, and was placed under close confinement until March 1815. Several months after the war ended, he was returned to the territory of the United States at Sackett’s Harbor, New York. There he met General Jacob Brown, who had commanded the army at Fort Erie. General Brown gave him $60 and sent him on to Buffalo, where he was able to collect $375 in back pay.

After the War of 1812, Maxwell secured a position as Barracks Master at the US Army post at Detroit. In 1818, when Colonel Smith wrote his letter to the Adjutant General, Maxwell made his way (riding, not walking) overland from Detroit to New Hampshire, where he visited his old friend General Miller, who would be appointed to serve as the first governor of the Arkansas Territory. While staying with Miller, Major Maxwell dictated his life story, which was transcribed by the General's secretary Lt. Allanson. This unpublished memoir, with parts such as the Battle of Maguagon left out "to be filled in later" by Miller, who had also been present. As a result there are many gaps in the narrative concerning Maxwell's part in the 1812 and 1814 campaigns. Returning to Michigan, after his retirement Maxwell lived in a cottage outside town, and passed away aged 90. He is buried in the Wallaceville Cemetery, in Dearborn Heights, Michigan.

Sources:

“The Narrative of Major Thompson Maxwell,” Historical Collections of the Essex Institute 7 no. 3 (June 1865).

Letter of Colonel Joseph L. Smith to General Daniel Parker, 7 July 1818 (National Archives: Letters Received by the Adjutant General)

James L. Barton, Address on the Early Reminiscences of Western New York and the Lake Country… Buffalo: Steam Press of Jewett, Thomas & Co., 1848.

Find A Grave: Thompson Maxwell

(https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/16280641/thompson-maxwell accessed 5/7/2021

            New England Historical Society “Major Thompson Maxwell, Forrest Gump of the American Revolution" (https://www.newenglandhistoricalsociety.com/thompson-maxwell-the-forrest-gump-of-the-american-revolution/ accessed 5/7/2021)

An Account of the Battle of Fort Stephenson

Continuing the Brunson memoir, which has some interesting perspectives on the Battle of Fort Stephenson from someone who was with Harrison's main force at Fort Seneca, a few miles up the Sandusky River:

While in this camp I so discharged my duties that on drill I was placed at the head of a platoon, in place of a commissioned officer; and I was so correct and full in my returns and reports as to be favorably reported to General Cass, who commanded our brigade, upon which, unsolicited, he promised me a lieutenancy. But, as the privates died off faster, in proportion, than the officers, no vacancy occurred, and I was left to serve out my time as I was.

While at Seneca, the Quarter-Master Sergeant asked me, one day, if I was not a Methodist. "Why," said I,  "what makes you think so?"

"Well, you mind your own business, perform your duties punctually, but never join in the amusements of the men, nor use any of their bad language."

"Yes, I am a Methodist."

 "Ah!" said he, "you will not be that long here."

"Why," I inquired, "are we not engaged in a lawful and honorable war? And why can not a man enjoy religion in the army, in such as case, as well as anywhere else?"

"That is all true," he said; "but as none, or very few, have done so, I conclude that you will do as the rest have done."

"Then," said I, "by the help of God I will make one exception; for I despise a man who will not maintain his integrity in the army, as well as any other lawful employment."

During the ensuing Winter this Sergeant was home on furlough, or the recruiting service. When he returned in the Spring to Detroit, at our first meeting, he said, "Well, Sergeant, I have made inquiry about you since my return, and am glad to find that you have kept your word, and maintained your religious integrity. It is an honor to you, and you are the more respected for it."

As I was now situated, my only opportunity for secret prayer, in form, was after all the men had retired. It was part of my duty to see that every non-commissioned officer and private soldier in the company was in his tent at tattoo, or nine o'clock, P.M.; and , as all was then still, I retired behind the breastwork, and had my formal secret devotions, being obliged to do it mentally at other hours of the day. I had my Bible with me, and read a portion of it every day; and, finding a few men who had once had some knowledge of religion, though now in a backslidden state, I conversed with them on religious subjects, as often as opportunity occurred. 

As before stated, the country was infested with Indians, accompanied by British regulars, and we expected an attack every night, for ten days. General Harrison said that his spies reported five thousand regulars, and six thousand Indians, on the way for that purpose; and knowing that his army of twenty-five hundred men could not resist eleven thousand, he had made a requisition on Governor Meigs, of Ohio, for four thousand militia, who were on their march to assist us. But the spies reported that the enemy had left Fort Meigs, on the Maumee River, and were heading toward our camp. In view of the near approach of the enemy, the General thought it prudent to fall back toward Upper Sandusky, till he met Governor Meigs, with his reinforcement, and then return to the fight; but he could not retreat and leave Major Croghan at Fort Stephenson, with one hundred and forty-three men, where, with such a force against them, they must be cut off.

[Any casual student of the War of 1812 will recognize that these numbers are all out of whack-- General Procter's army never numbered over 800 men, and the Indians under Tecumseh not much more than that. The Americans outnumbered the British and Indians at nearly every engagement during the 1813 campaign. Harrison's apparent cowardice during the second Siege of Fort Meigs and the attack at Fort Stephenson, was probably due to two factors: one, that his troops at Fort Seneca were mostly raw recruits from the one-year regiments, the 26th, 27th, and 28th Infantry, and two, he expected the attack on Fort Stephenson to be bait to lure him into a trap-- marching out of his entrenchments at Fort Seneca, Harrison's army would get pounced on by Tecumseh and his Indians.]

The General, therefore, sent an express to the Major to burn his fort, and every thing in it that his men could not carry on their backs, and retreat on the east side of the river, so as to be at Seneca at reveille the next morning. But it so happened--fortunately, as it turned out--that the express missed his way, got lost in the woods, and did not reach the Major till the next day, at ten o'clock, A.M.

In the meantime everything was prepared at Seneca for a retreat at reveille that morning. All the provisions, stores, tents, and everything that could not be carried on men's backs, were to be burned. The men were supplied with extra rations, to eat on the way, and but little sleep was had during the night. But morning came, and no troops from the little fort. It would not do to retreat, and leave them. A council of war was called to decide what should be done. The men were restless, and discontented at the idea of a retreat; and the officers seemed to be of the same state of mind; all preferring to meet the enemy at our breastworks, and try our skill and fortune in a battle, despite the odds in numbers. At length, when General Cass was asked his opinion, he said, "General, you are in command; you must do as you think best." "But," said Harrison, "two heads are better than one, and I want your opinion." "Well, it is my opinion, then, that we would better not retreat till we see something to retreat from." This settled the question; and every man was set at work to strengthen our defenses, and prepare for the worst.

The Major, knowing that the failure of the express to reach him in time to obey the order, would thwart the General's designs, and that he must wait for further orders; and as his own spies had reported only hundreds where the General's had reported thousands, he believed that he could defend the little fort, if attacked, before another order could be received. As he had to wait for further orders, he sent the express back, with this letter: "I have men enough, ammunition enough, and provisions enough; and damn me if I quit the fort."

The express reached headquarters, with this insolent letter, about sundown. The General, of course, was nettled. The Major was a pet of his; had been in service with him through the war, from Tippecanoe to this time; and to get such a letter from his pet, was rather too much for friendship to bear; and, besides, subordination must be preserved, or the army would be ruined. So, the next morning, Colonel Wells was ordered to the command of the little fort, and Colonel Ball, with his two hundred dragoons, was ordered to escort him down to it, and bring up Major Croghan under arrest. About noon the order was executing, and the little Major, only nineteen years of age, was brought into camp a prisoner.

 [The Major was actually 22 years old]

The General was, naturally, very nervous, and excitement very much quickened his motions and his words. When the Major appeared before him he sprang to his feet, and with vehemence, said, "Major Croghan, how came you to send me that insolent letter?"

"Why, General, didn't the express explain it?"

"Explain it! What explanation can be given to such a letter as that?"

"Why, General, didn't he tell you that he didn't get there till yesterday morning, at ten o'clock?"

 "Yes, he told me that. But what has that to do with this letter?"

"Why, you know I couldn't evacuate the fort, and get here by reveille of the morning previous."

"Of course not."

 "Well, I knew that your plans must be thwarted, by the circumstance, and that I must wait for further orders; and, believing that I was completely invested by the enemy, and that the express and the letter would fall into his hands, I determined, if it did, to send him as bullying a one as possible. But I told the express, the damned rascal, that if he got through with it, to explain it to you. Didn't he do it, General?"

"No, he didn't."

"Why, General, you know that I understand my business, and the duties of a subordinate, too well to send you such a letter, under any other circumstances." 

"Why, certainly, I thought so; and that was the mystery of the case. But how could I understand it without an explanation? and with this I am satisfied." And before night the Major was restored to his command, and Colonel Wells recalled to his.

There were some speculations among the officers as to the Major's explanation. Some thought that he believed his own spies to have correct numbers of the enemy, despite the report of the General's spies, and that with his advantages he could whip them,  and that he expected the attack before the General could arrest him; if successful, the victory would place him above censure; if not, it would make no difference, as he would be either dead or a prisoner. But the most probable reason for his course was that given be himself, though he disapproved of the proposed retreat. As the matter turned out, in two days after his return, he fought the memorable battle of Fort Stevenson, having but one hundred and forty-three men to repulse eleven hundred of the enemy. Of the British regulars, some fifty were killed in, or near, the ditch; but of the wounded no report could be made, as they retreated. But soon after the battle a British surgeon came, with a flag of flag of truce, to attend to their wounded, expecting to find at least one hundred and fifty, as but three hundred of the five hundred that left Malden got back to it, showing a loss of two hundred, somewhere. On this information the General sent out Indian scouts to scour the woods between the little fort and the lake. They picked up and brought in about twenty, and reported a large number of dead bodies, and bones, and uniforms, indicating the death of as many, who perished in their retreat....

[Here Brunson explains that as it turned out, General Procter was expecting to capture only the stockade at Fort Stephenson, in part for flour and provisions he needed for his army, and for the morale boost of another victory against the Americans. But when his scouts reported that the Americans were encamped at nearby Fort Seneca, with 2500 men, he realized that he had to end the siege quickly and decided to attack the fort directly. What's more, Procter had bombarded the stockade with field artillery (six-pounder guns and 6-inch howitzers) and thought the wood pickets had been weakened. The American six-pounder gun, "Old Betsy", had been removed from its original position in order to make the British think it had been dismounted-- instead it was secretly placed in a blockhouse near the "weakened" section of pickets in position to rake the ditch. With a double charge of canister, it swept the entire length of the ditch several times and effectively ended the British charge.

 ...While the battle was raging at Fort Stevenson, the booming of the cannon reached our ears at Seneca, and our men showed unmistakable signs of uneasiness and discontent at the thought of so many of us having no part in the fray. Some mumurings would break out, because they were not led to the scene of action, and some fears were expressed as to the fate of that little band of brave men. It was but a few hours, however, until the suspense was at an end, for a foaming steed came into camp, and the rider handed a letter to the General, giving a brief statement of the affair, and then followed a deafening roar of shouts and rejoicing. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Another Maritime Adventure on Lake Erie-- Braving a Storm in a Leaky River Barge

Early in 1813 there was a debate between American naval officers whether the US fleet on Lake Erie should be built at Black Rock, near Buffalo New York or at Erie, Pennsylvania. There were disadvantages to both places. Erie was only a small village with no facilities for shipbuilding, and no defenses. A sandbar across the mouth of the sheltered bay there prevented any vessel larger than a gunboat from sailing out into the lake. Black Rock (which is now more or less subsumed into modern urban Buffalo) was the site of the existing US shipyard on Lake Erie, and a brig and several smaller ships had already been gathered there by Lieutenant Jesse Elliot. However, it's disadvantages were even worse: the guns of British batteries on the Canadian side of the Niagara River could range the shipyard, and the strong river current meant that any vessel launched there would have to be towed upstream by teams of oxen--again under the guns of the British forces. And it was within easy reach of any British raiding parties from the opposite shore who could burn up several months work with a surprise attack.

Sailing Master Daniel Dobbins was an early resident of Erie and had sailed there with his schooner Salina before the war. He thought that ships could be built in the sheltered bay and, once ready could be gotten over the bar and into the lake. But to arm them, cannon had to be brought from the naval station at Black Rock, and British ships patrolled the lake. This meant that Dobbins spent the spring of 1813 essentially smuggling large pieces of ordnance over stormy waters past the British ships. Here is one such journey, which probably occurred in May of 1813 (from Captain William W. Dobbins, History of the Battle of Lake Erie, 1876):

As a sample of one of these hazardous trips, he started to bring up two long 32-pounders, weighing 3,600 pounds each. In the way of a craft, he was only able to procure an old "Durham boat", so-called, which had been used to boat salt from (Fort) Schlosser to Fort Erie; and after fitting her up as best he could, with timbers placed lengthwise in her bottom, got the guns on board, tracked up the rapids of Niagara River and started for Erie, having a four-oared boat in company. He kept near the American shore, but dare not show his sail except at night. When off Cattaraugus, in the night, it came on to blow heavily from northwest, and in order to keep her off the beach, they made what sail they could with two planks for leeboards, and, after a struggle, succeeded in getting an offing. But their troubles were not ended: the great steering-oar unshipped, and the boat fell off into the trough of the sea. The heavy rolling soon carried away the step of the mast before they could get the sail down. But the repairs were soon made and they got sail on again, when it was found she was leaking badly, caused by the heavy rolling, with so much weight in her bottom, and likely to founder. As the old maxim has it, "Necessity is the mother of invention," Mr. Dobbins took a coil of rope they had on board, and passing the rope round and round her, from forward to aft, and heaving the turns taut with a gunner's hand spike, thus managing to keep her afloat, with all hands bailing. At daylight they found themselves some ten miles below Erie, with two of the enemy's cruisers in sight in the offing to windward. However, the wind had veered more to the eastward, and they made port with a fair wind--their consort, having parted company with them in the night, safely made port, and reported Mr. Dobbins' boat lost.

 Durham boats are most famous for having been used by George Washington in his crossing of the Delaware River. They were designed for use with heavy cargo, such as the pig iron shipped on the Delaware River from the Durham Ironworks.

Captain Leslie Combs' Ill-fated Canoe Trip

Very few motorists crossing the Maumee River today on the Interstate 475 Bridge may realize, if they glance downriver towards Maumee and Perrysburg and the Buttonwood Recreational Area, that they are looking at the site of a terrifying adventure during the Siege of Fort Meigs. This is an extract from the Narrative of the Life of General Leslie Combs, a veteran of the battle:

When they reached St. Mary's Blockhouse, General Clay divided his brigade, sending Colonel Dudley's regiment across to the Auglaise River, and descending the St. Mary's himself, with Colonel Boswell's, intending to united them again at old Fort Defiance. Captain Combs was attached to the former... It was fifty miles from Fort Defiance, where they expected to meet General Clay, to Fort Meigs; and it was deemed extremely hazardous for any one to attempt to open a communication between the two points, especially as no one present, except Captain Combs, knew the exact position of Fort Meigs, or had any knowledge of the intervening country.... (At a council of officers Captain Combs volunteered) "Colonel Dudley," said he, "General Clay has thought proper to entrust me with an important command, attached to your regiment. When we reach Fort Defiance, if you will furnish me a good canoe, I will carry your dispatches to General Harrison, and return with his orders. I shall only require four or five volunteers from my own company, and one of my Indian guides to accompany me..." 

The troops encamped at Fort Defiance (Fort Winchester) on the afternoon of the first of May. General Clay, meanwhile, had not arrived. Captain Combs immediately prepared for his perilous trip. The two Walkers, Paxton, and Johnson, were to accompany him, as well as the young Shawanee warrior Black Fish. As they pushed off from shore at the mouth of the Auglaise, the bank was covered with their anxious fellow-soldiers; and Major Shelby remarked, looking at his watch, "Remember, Captain Combs, if we never meet, it is exactly six o'clock when we part;" and he had since told Mr. Combs that he never expected to see him again alive.

 Captain Combs would have started some hours earlier, could his frail craft have been gotten ready for he knew it would require hard work, even with the aid of a strong current, to reach Fort Meigs before daylight the next morning. Placing his Shawnee in the stern, with a steering-oar, and two men at the side-oars, alternately relieving each other, the Captain took his position in the bow, to take care of their rifles and direct the course to be pursued; keeping as nearly as possible in the center of the stream, for fear of Indians on either side. By dark they had come within distinct hearing of the distant roar of heavy artillery in their front, and knew that General Harrison's apprehensions of an early assault upon his enfeebled position were verified.... 

It was late in the night when they struck the head of the rapids, and it seemed every moment as if their light canoe would be dashed in pieces. By lying flat on his face, the Captain could from some idea of the course of the deep channel, amid the war of waters which nearly deafened them, by seeming the foaming breakers glistening in the starlight. When they approached Roche debout, where they were informed there was a considerable perpendicular fall in low water, they were forced to land and haul their bark along the margin of the southern bank till they had passed the main obstruction; and daylight dawned upon them before they were again afloat. They were still some seven or eight miles above the fort, and well knew that the surrounding forests were alive with hostile savages...

(The next morning) If he should determine to remain where he was during the day, they would most probably be discovered and tomahawked before night. He therefore resolved resolved instantly to go ahead, desperate as the chances seemed against him, and risk all consequences. Not one of his brave companions demurred to his determination, although he told them they would certainly be compelled to earn their breakfasts before they would have the honor of taking coffee with General Harrison.

 (As they rounded the last bend in the river before Fort Meigs, not knowing if the fort had surrendered...) the first object that met their sight was the British batteries belching forth their iron hail across the river, and the bomb-shells flying in the air; and the next moment they saw the glorious stars and stripes gallantly floating in the breeze. "Oh, it was a grand scene," writes Captain Combs. "We could not suppress a shout; and one of my men, Paxton, has since declared to me, that he then felt as if it would take about a peck of bullets to kill him." Captain Combs had prepared every thing for action, by handing to each man his rifle freshly loaded, and in the mean time, keeping near the middle of the river, which was several hundred yards wide, not knowing from which side they would be first attacked.

He hoped that General Harrison might now and then be taking a look with his spyglass up the river, expecting General Clay, and would see them and send out an escort to bring them in... At first they saw only a solitary Indian in the edge of the woods on the American side, running down the river so as to get in hail of them; and they took him for a friendly Shawanee, of whom they knew General Harrison had several in his service as guides and spies. His steersman himself was for a moment deceived, and exclaimed, in his deep guttural voice, "Shawanee," at the same time turning the bow of the canoe towards him. A moment afterwards, however, when he raised the war-whoop, and they saw the woods full of red devils, running with all their speed to a point on the river below them, so as to cut them off from the fort, or drive them into the mouths of the British cannon, Captain Combs' young warrior exclaimed, "Pottawatomie, God damn!" and instantly turned the boat toward the opposite shore. 

The race between the little water party and the Indians was not long doubtful. The latter had the advantage in distance, and reached the point before the former. Combs still hoped to pass them with little injury, owing to the width of the river and the rapidity of the current, and therefore ordered his men to receive their fire without returning it, as he feared an attack also from the near shore, which would require all their means of resistance to repel. If successful, he should still have time and space enough to recross the river before he got within range of the British batteries, and save his little band from certain destruction. The first gun fired, however, satisfied him of his error, as the ball whistled over the canoe without injury, followed by a volley, which prostrated Johnson, mortally wounded, and also disabled Paxton; not however, before they had all fired at the crowd, and saw several tumbling to the ground. Captain Combs was thus, as a last hope, forced to run his craft ashore, and attempt to make good his way to Fort Meigs on the north side of the river. 

To some extent they succeeded. The two Walkers soon left the party, by the Captain's order, to save themselves; the Indian nobly remained with Paxton, and helped him along for six or seven miles, until he was so exhausted with the loss of blood as to be unable to travel farther. Captain Combs was less fortunate with poor Johnson, who, with all his aid, could barely drag himself half a mile from their place of landing, and both he and Paxton were very soon captured and taken to General Procter's head-quarters. They even reported, as was afterwards learned, that they had killed the Captain, and showed as evidence of the fact his cloth coat, which he had thrown off, putting on in its stead an old hunting-shirt, after he left Johnson, so as to disencumber himself of all surplus weight. 

His woodcraft, learned in the previous campaign, now did him good service as it enabled him to elude his pursuers; and after two days and nights of starvation and suffering, he again met Major Shelby and his other friends, at the mouth of the Auglaize, on the fourth of May, in the morning, after all hope of his return had been given up. The two Walkers were a day ahead of him, and his brave young Indian succeeded in making his way to his native village.

By the time Captain Combs made it to Defiance, a courier from the Fort had also arrived-- Captain William Oliver, who had already made a name for himself by slipping through the Indian lines to deliver a message during the Siege of Fort Wayne (from an anonymous account written by a veteran):

The necessary preparations were made, and at the hour of midnight (a dark & dismal night in Apr. 1813) a young soldier was seen to issue from one of the Gates of Ft. Meigs then closely besieged by a numerous Army of savages,"who environed the Ft. and through whose encampment our young friend had to pass; He moved on with slow, steady, but cautious steps, frequently in his passage through the almost numberless camp fires of his wary foe at the breaking of a stick by his horse tread or any, even the slightest noise, Indian warriors would be seen on every side, springing half up, is listening attentively, to learn from whence the noise had come, Intense indeed must have been the feelings of our friend; thus surrounded by vigilant and deadly foes; He told me, in conversing lately about this interesting moment ""that his horse seemed to feel the responsibility of the situation in which they were placed —and stopped when a twig would crack"soon the Indians would become satisfied & again lie down; when suspicion was lulled he would again proceed - & thus by slow cautious movements this miraculous passage through the Indian encampment was effected, and the dispatches, so important to our Garrison delivered to Genl. Clay, who by the same intrepid messenger, returned an answer to Genl. Harrison; He descended the river in a canoe with muffled oars, accompanied. by Col. David. Trimble of Ky. afterwards, aid to Genl. Harrison, & subsequently a distinguished Member of Congress from Ky. The writer had command of the guard, who were stationed at the center gate of the front line of the Fort and had the pleasure of receiving his friends at a late hour of the night & conducting them to the Genls. headquarters.

Combs was barely recovered from his ordeal when General Clay, having by now arrived with Colonel Boswell's Regiment from the St Mary's River, ordered his troops into 18 flat bottomed boats, to descend through the rapids and land around Fort Meigs. He lay sick in the boat, but when Dudley's Regiment landed on the opposite side of the river, he again took command of the scouts and provided a light infantry screen for the regiment as it captured the British batteries. Subsequently his company was drawn into a fire fight in the woods behind the British batteries by Indians there. Colonel Dudley, unwilling to leave them behind, ordered his disorganized regiment to support them, and was trapped by British and Indian reinforcements in what became known as "Dudley's Massacre". Captain Combs survived the battle, and capture by the British, to return home to Kentucky, where he died in 1881.

Levi Johnson, man of enterprise and the War of 1812 on Lake Erie

Another story about the events surrounding the Battle of Lake Erie, this one the story of an enterprising local carpenter named Levi Johnson, who had settled in Cleveland in 1808 (from A History of Cleveland and Its Environs by Elroy McKendree Avery, 1918):

A few days after this battle Levi Johnson and a friend found a large flat boat [probably a batteaux or Schenectady boat, not a river barge] that had been built by General Jessup (Major Thomas Jessup) for the conveyance of troops and had been abandoned. The two men bought a hundred bushels of potatoes and loading them on the flat boat proceeded to the army and navy headquarters at Put-in-Bay, where the potatoes proved a welcome addition to the army fare and brought the partners a handsome profit.* That was the first of Levi Johnson's successful commercial transactions and as much as anything else started him on the road to prosperity. Later he and his companion loaded the flat boat with supplies which were taken to the army at Detroit, and again gave them a large profit. Mr. Johnson entered into a contract with the quartermaster of the Detroit Post to carry a cargo of clothing to the army. It was late in the season and the boat was obstructed by ice, compelling a landing at Huron. Nevertheless the cargo was delivered and those were the initial successes of Capt. Levi Johnson as a contractor and an important figure in the lake transportation business.

 He next proceeded with the construction of a vessel of his own. The keel was laid for a ship of thirty-five tons, named Highland**. Under many difficulties this boat was finally completed and its launching was a big event in the history of Cleveland of that day. The boat was hoisted on wheels, and with much strenuous exertion was finally drawn to the edge of the water by twenty-eight yoke of oxen. This launching occurred on the river at the foot of Superior Street, and an immense crowd, as measured in proportion to the population of Northern Ohio at that time, cheered and applauded the exploit. It was the first boat of any size constructed and launched at Cleveland and marks the beginning of Cleveland's history as a shipping center...

...He made a great success of his first boat, and when it was launched it was requisitioned for army purposes and on it army stores were transported between Buffalo and Detroit. Two loads of soldiers were also taken from Buffalo to the command of Major Camp at Detroit. On the return trip the guns left by Harrison at Maumee (Fort Meigs) were taken to Erie. In this business Mr. Johnson lost $300 as a result of the qaurtermaster absconding. In 1815 he began transporting stores to Malden, making his first trip on March 20th [at that time Fort Malden was still occupied by the United States Army], and when his boat did not stop a shot was fired, the ball passing through the foresail, and after the second shot Mr. Johnson brought his vessel to the shore. The commander of the fort demanded the maiml, but Mr. Johnson declined to give it up and though an attempt was made to detain his vessel he spread sail  and with a favorable wind got away from his pursuers and did not stop until he had delivered the mail safely at the Detroit post office.*** In 1815 Captain Johnson built the schooner Neptune, of sixty-five tons, and after taking it to Buffalo he returned with a cargo of merchandise consigned to Jonathan Williamson. In 1817 this vessel made a trip to Mackinac for the American Fur Company****, and was employed in the fur trade until the fall of 1819. 

In 1824 Captain Johnson and his associates built the first steamer ever constructed at Cleveland. It was known as the Enterprise and was of about 200 tons capacity.

*Not the first time! On June 4, 1813, Captain Daniel Cushing wrote in his diary that "two men arrived from Cleveland with a boat load of potatoes, 150 bushels, sold them all out in a few hours at $2.00 per bushel; they returned this evening."

**According to another source, this was the schooner Pilot. It was built on the site of St. Paul's Church on Euclid Avenue, and Levi Johnson enlisted the aid of 28 pairs of oxen belonging to local farmers to haul his vessel to the water! It's mentioned in a list of  ships built on Lake Erie in 1814--while the war was still on (newspaper clippings found in Maritime History of the Great Lakes).

The following merchant vessels have been built on the south shore of Lake Erie the present season---burthen 35 to 100 tons; viz 
Schooner LADY OF THE LAKE, Hanchett, Cleveland 
      " PILOT, Johnson, Cleveland 
      " EXPERIMENT, Lovejoy, Buffalo 
      " VERMILLION, Austin, Vermillion River 
      " CHAMPION, Scott, Grand River 
      " DILIGENCE, Perry, Erie 
      Buffalo Gazette & Niagara Intelligencer 
      Tuesday, July 19, 1814 [ part of article ] 

***This definitely doesn't sound right, because in March 1815 the United States  and Britain were at peace, and the Americans didn't turn Fort Malden over to the British again until July 1 of that year. Perhaps the answer lies in this account of a run-in that the Brig Union had with British authorities in 1816:

The Hermaphrodite Brig UNION, Jas. Beard, master, left Detroit on the 23rd Ult. and grounded near the head of Gros Island, about 8 miles below Detroit, her own boat being too small, she obtained one from the U.S. Garrison at Gros Island for the purpose of getting her off; which was effected on the morning of the 24th. The wind being ahead she beat down the river nearly abreast of the garrison, to which two men were sent to return the boat -- being in sight of Amherstberg, a boat was seen to leave the latter place at the same time ours left the Brig, and to proceed in the same direction until our boat came near the garrison, she then put about for the UNION, having on board an officer in a Midshipman's uniform and six men, who immediately came on deck. The officer enquired for the master of the Brig, and told him he had come to search his vesseI for deserters. Mr. Beard observed his men were all on deck, except those sent on shore in the boat. The officer then ordered his men into the hold and fore-castle to search. Mr. Beard remonstrated against such unwarrantable proceedings, and forbit it. The officer then replied, that he was ordered to search her peaceably if he could, if not to use force, saying,"your Government allows it, and why should not you?" 
At this time there were two pieces of artillery drawn up on the Canada shore, apparently well manned, and not more than one hundred yards from the UNION. Mr. Beard told the British officer that if he would search the Brig, he must take charge of her; which he did by taking the helm and ordering his men to take in sail and bring her to anchor, which was done. The Brig was then searched, and the officer told Capt. Beard he might resume the command of her. 
On Capt. Beard asking him by what authority he acted, he replied, that his name was Henry Brooks, that he acted under a verbal order from his commanding officer. 
A suitable notice of the above transaction will be forwarded to the head of the proper department at Washington. 
      Buffalo Gazette & Niagara Intelligencer 
      Tuesday, August 6, 1816 

The Union was an odd vessel herself-- being built on Put-in-Bay and finished at Grand River in 1813 or 1814, according to Captain Augustus Walker:

 The brig Union was owned by Jonathan Sidway and commanded by Captain James Beard. As this was the first vessel that I embarked on as a sailor I may be permitted to dwell on some of her peculiarities. She was modeled, built, owned and commanded by a man named Martin, who had been a house carpenter. She was partially built on Put-in-Bay Island, launched and towed to the mouth of Grand River, Ohio, in 1813. It is difficult to give any adequate idea of her construction. Her proportions were unlike those of any other craft then or since on the lakes. She had some good points, one of them her great breadth of beam; that, together with her flat bottom, with but little dead-rise to her floor, enabled her to carry a much larger cargo than other vessels of her tonnage, and when light she could sail safely in all kinds of weather without ballast. The manner of her planking was peculiar. Her garboard-streak followed up the main stem, butting underneath the wales instead of ending against the stem of the ship. Each succeeding streak of plank was gradually tapered or beveled at the forward end, so that the last streak was brought to a wedge-like point terminating some 20 feet from her bows. She was originally schooner-rigged, with two old-fashioned slip-keels. Her lower masts were buttonwood; the bowsprit and jib-boom of the same timber, both made in one spar; her decks were of red cedar and but very little iron was used in her build, she being mostly fastened with wooden trunnels. She was employed at the close of the war by the United States Government as a transport. In 1815 she was sunk in Scajaquada Creek, but was subsequently raised by Stanard & Bidwell and rebuilt into a hermaphrodite brig--removing the slip-keels and substituting a standing one in their stead. By this general overhauling she was made to look much like a sea-going vessel, and when under way, with all her canvas, upper and lower studding sails set to the breeze, her appearance was really quite imposing. In 1816, '17 and '18 she was under the command of Capt. James Beard, the father of the artist, Wm. H. Beard, of this city.

**** Following the War of 1812, the United States barred foreign firms such as the Hudson Bay Company and Northwest Fur Company from trading in its territory, giving John Jacob Astor's American Fur Company a monopoly over the fur trade in American territory.

1813: Harrison and Perry's amphibious landing in Canada

A painting of the Battle of Lake Erie done in consultation with Perry shortly after the war--supposedly the vessels are as close as we can get to the appearance of the actual fleet.

One of the most overlooked aspects of "the forgotten" War of 1812 is the experience the American forces gained in landing troops on hostile shores. Few people today realize that the Lake Erie shoreline was, over 200 years ago, the scene of a massive effort to transport men and cannons and conduct a "D-Day" style landing against what the Americans thought would be a defended beachhead. Moreover, throughout the summer of 1813 they had been preparing for these operations by building boats in a yard far, far up the Cuyahoga Valley--in a spot where few people would expect to find a naval installation today; Peninsula, Ohio near Akron. Large, flat bottomed open boats termed Schenectady boats were built, sent down the Cuyahoga River to Cleveland, where the commandant of the area, Major Thomas Jessup, sank them in the river to prevent them from being destroyed or captured by British forces. After the Battle of Lake Erie they were used to transport troops from Cleveland, the Sandusky River, and other points to Marblehead, where the army was ferried in parts to the Lake Erie Islands. Samuel R Brown's account provides a valuable picture of the amphibious operations of General William Henry Harrison's campaign:

...At the same time (as Perry's victory on Lake Erie) the general began to concentrate his forces at the mouth of the Portage River (modern day Port Clinton, Ohio). The greatest activity was visible in camp; in preparing for the descent on Canada--boats were collected--beef jerked--the superfluous baggage secured in block houses and a substantial log fence two miles long, extending from Portage River to Sandusky Bay, was built to secure the horses during the operations of the army.

On the 17th (Governor Isaac Shelby of Kentucky) with 4000 volunteers, arrived at headquarters. This formidable corps were all mounted; but it was deemed best for them to act as infantry, and leave their horses on the peninsula.  On the 20th (Brigadier General Duncan McArthur)'s brigade, from Fort Meigs, joined the main body, after a very fatiguing march of three days down the lake coast.

Colonel (Richard Johnson)'s mounted regiment remained at Fort Meigs, but had orders to approach Detroit by land and to advance pari passu (side by side) with the commander in chief, who was to move in boats through the islands, to Malden, and of whose progress, the colonel was to be daily informed by a special express.

Everything being now ready, the embarkation of the troops commenced at the dawn of day, on the 21st (of September). For the want of a sufficient number of boats, not more than one third of the army could embark at once.

There is a range of islands extending from the head of the Peninsula, to Malden. These islands render the navigation safe, and afford the army convenient depots for baggage and stores, as well as halting places. (The number of horses left on the Marblehead Peninsula, during the absence of the army in Canada, was upwards of five thousand! For the most part, of the first size and condition.)

Put-in-Bay Island, sixteen miles from Portage, was selected by the general as the first point of rendezvous--the first stage in his passage across the lake. The weather was favorable. As soon as the first division of boats reached the island, men were immediately detached to take back the boats for a fresh load. Such was the eagerness of the men to accelerate the embarkation of the whole army, that they, in most cases, anticipated this regulation by volunteering their services to return with the boats. Every one courted fatigue.

The fleet of commodore Perry, was busily engaged in transporting the baggage of the army. In the course of the 22nd the whole army had gained the island, and encamped on the margin of the bay, which forms nearly a semi circle... 

 ...The army was detained at Put-in-Bay during the 23rd and 24th (of September) by unfavorable winds. On the 24th, a soldier of the regular forces was shot for desertion. He had deserted three times--had been twice before condemned to suffer death, and as often pardoned; he met his fate with stoical indifference, but it made a very sensible impression on the troops. Two platoons fired on him, at a distance of five paces, and perforated his body like a sieve. 

(It is worthy of remark that but two soldiers were shot in the northwestern army; and so unfrequent was desertion, that from the time I joined it, till its departure from Fort George, not a solitary instance occurred; at least none came to my knowledge, although I made frequent inquiries as to the fact. I am not willing to attribute this extraordinary fidelity to the public service, to the superior patriotism of the people of the west, or a nice sense of the force of moral obligations. The cause is evident--the officers are generally, more attentive to their men, than those of the northern army.)

A typical bateau used as a transport on the upper great lakes. The bateaux, Schenectady boat, or Mackinac boat all seem to have been similar designs that were used extensively on the lake for travel and trade.

On the 25th the army again embarked partly in boats and partly on board the fleet, to take a nearer position to the Canadian shore. The flotilla arrived a little before sunset, at a small island called the Eastern Sister, eighteen miles from Malden and seven from the coast. This island does not contain more than three acres, and the men had scarcely room to sit down.

On the 26th the wind blew fresh, it became necessary to haul up the boats, to prevent their staving. The general and commodore in the (US Schooner) Ariel, made a reconnaissance  of the enemy's coast and approached within a short distance of Malden. Captain Johnny was dispatched to apprize Col. Johnson of our progress. (Brigadier General Lewis Cass, Colonel James V. Ball, and Captain John McClelland) were busy in arranging and numbering the boats. At sun set the lake had risen several feet; indeed, such was the violence of the surf that many entertained the serious fears that the greater part of the island would be inundated before morning. However, the wind subsided at twelve and relieved our apprehensions.

On the 27th at nine in the morning the army made its final embarkation. The day was fine, and a propitiious breeze made our passage a most pleasing pastime. It was a sublime and delightful spectacle to behold 16 ships of war and 100 boats filled with men, borne rapidly and majestically to the long sought shores of the enemy. The recollection of this day can never be effaced from my memory. There was something truly grand and animating in the looks of the men. There was an air of confidence in every countenance. The troops panted for an oppertunity to rival their naval brethren in feats of courage and skill; they seemed to envy the good fortune of our brave tars. They were ignorant of the flight of the enemy, and confidently expected a fight; indeed the belief was current among the troops that the enemy were in great force; for it was believed that Dixon's (Robert Dickson, an Indian Department agent who had brought 1400 western Indians to the second siege of Fort Meigs earlier in the year)  Indians as well as Tecumseh's were at Malden.

An early survey of the mouth of the Detroit River, showing the site of the landing and nearby Amherstburg and Fort Malden. 

We landed in perfect order of battle at 4 PM three miles below Malden. The Kentucky volunteers formed the right wing. Ball's legion and the friendly Indians the centre--the regulars on the left. The troops were almost instantly in line and shortly commenced their march, en echelons, for Malden. The troops had been drilled to marching in and out of boats and to forming on the beach. Every man knew his place; and so well were they masters of this very necessary piece of service, that a company would march into a boat, debark and form on the beach in less than one minute, and that too without the least confusion. (This proficiency is applicable only to the regulars and twelve-months volunteers. The militia officers did not attend to it.)

[Read the plan for the amphibious landing in General Harrison's orders here.] 

As we approached Malden, instead of the red coats and the war whoop of the Indians, a group of well dressed ladies advanced to meet us, and to implore mercy and protection. They were met by governor Shelby, who soon quieted their fears by assuring them that we came not to make war on women and children but to protect them.

The army entered Malden by several parallel streets and we marched through the town to the thunder of "Yankee Doodle."

Next: The re-occupation of Detroit and the pursuit of Tecumseh and General Henry Procter to the village of Moraviantown.

Samuel R Brown's Eyewitness Account of the Lake Erie- Thames Campaign 1813

Here are some eyewitness accounts of the aftermath of the Battle of Lake Erie by Samuel R Brown, who at the time was a private in Captain James McClelland's Company of Volunteer Light Dragoons, attached to Major James V Ball's Squadron. When the army of General William Henry Harrison embarked on boats and the fleet of Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry, they had to leave their mounts behind on the Marblehead Peninsula of Sandusky Bay, and serve as a light infantry corps for the remainder of the campaign. These excerpts are taken from two of Brown's published works: Views of the Campaigns of the Northwest Army, and Views on Lake Erie, both printed in 1814.

The writer of this account, in company with five others, arrived at the head of Put in Bay island on the evening of the 9th, and had a view of the action at the distance of only ten miles. The spectacle was truly grand and awful. The firing was incessant for the space of three hours, and continued at short intervals forty-five minutes longer. In less than one hour after the battle began, most of the vessels of both fleets were enveloped in a cloud of smoke, which rendered the issue of the action uncertain, till the next morning when we visited the fleet in the harbor on the opposite side of the island. The reader will easily judge of our solicitude to learn the result. There is no sentiment more painful than suspense, when it is excited by the uncertain issue of an event like this. 

 ...In the course of the 22nd the whole army had gained the island, and encamped on the margin of the bay, which forms nearly a semi circle. The Lawrence, and the six prize ships, captured from the enemy, were at anchor in the centre of the bay, and in full view. With what ineffable delight did we contemplate this interesting spectacle! The curiosity of the troops was amply indulged; every one was permitted to go on board the prizes to view the effects of the battle. The men were highly pleased with this indulgence of the general and the commodore. The scene was calculated to inflame their military ardor, which was visible in every countenance...

The carnage on board the prizes was prodigious--they must have had 200 killed besides wounded. The sides of the Detroit and Queen Charlotte were shattered from bow to stern; there was scarcely room to place one's hand on their larboard sides without touching the impression of a shot--a great many balls, canister and grape, were found lodged in their bulwarks, which were too thick to be penetrated by our carronades. Their masts were so much shattered that they fell overboard soon after they got into the bay...

(As for the Lawrence) her sides were completely riddled by the shot from the long guns of the British ships. Her deck, the morning after the conflict, when I first went on board, exhibited a scene that defies description--for it was literally covered with blood, which still adhered to the plank in clots--brains, hair and fragments of bones were still sticking to the rigging and sides. The surgeons were still busy with the wounded--enough! horror appalled my senses.

On board of the Detroit, twenty-four hours after her surrender, were found snugly stowed away in the hold, two Indian Chiefs, who had the courage to go on board at Malden, for the purpose of acting as sharp shooters to kill our officers. One had the courage to ascend into the round top and discharged his piece, but the whizzing of shot, splinters, and bits of rigging, soon made the place too warm for him--he descended faster than he went up; at the moment he reached the deck, the fragments of a seaman's head stuck his comrade's face, and covered it with blood and brains. He vociferated the savage interjection "quoh!" and both sought safety below.

The British officers had domesticated a bear at Malden. Bruin accompanied his comrades to battle--was on the deck of the Detroit during the engagement, and escaped unhurt. 

Next up: Brown's account of the  amphibious operations which landed Harrison's Army on the Canadian shores near Fort Malden.

 

Samuel R Brown, Forgotten Veteran of the War of 1812

The confused records of the War of 1812 often lead to some intriguing mysteries. One such are the several books produced by Auburn, New York newspaper editor Samuel R Brown. Auburn is in upper state New York, far from the scene of fighting during the War of 1812 in Michigan, Ohio, Indiana and Upper Canada. As early as 1814 and 1815, publishers in the United States were churning out histories of the recent events of the war, especially such events as the Battle of Tippecanoe, the surrender of Detroit, the Siege of Fort Meigs and the American victory at the Battle of the River Thames.

During this time there was a major newspaper boom in America-- every county seat and town, no matter how far into the frontier, seems to have had its local print shop and daily or weekly newspaper. The Miami Western Star (Lebanon, Ohio), the Trump of Fortune (Warren, Ohio), Freeman's Chronicle (Franklinton Ohio), and Intelligencer (Worthington, Ohio) are a few of Ohio's frontier newspapers of this era. They seemed to be beneficiaries of the postal system of the era, which allowed newspapers to be easily disseminated. News from Europe, the globe, and the eastern United States was mingled with local news, letters from people attached to the armies during the War of 1812, and even poems and amusing stories. They also served a vital community role-- they were paid for mostly by classified ads usually taking up the last page, which grant us a window into the early shops, tradesmen, and legal actions going on in frontier towns. There was also usually a list of people for whom mail had arrived-- the postal system did not use stamps, but rather the recipient of a letter had to pay the postmaster for it. Therefore letters tended to pile up for people who needed to pay for them!

Samuel R Brown set himself up in Auburn sometime in 1813 or 1814, and remained there until his death at age 42 in 1817. He published the Cayuga Patriot, which outlived him being printed until 1819. We have a glimpse at the man and his business and family life because his apprentice printer, Thurlow Weed, later became a prominent Albany publisher and newspaper editor. Weed recalled:

Nor shall we ever forget the upper story of a wagon-maker's shop, where the "Cayuga Patriot" was first printed; for there we worked, and laughed, and played away most of the winter of 1814.  Samuel R. Brown, who published the "Patriot", was an honest, amiable, easy, slip-shod sort of man, whose patient, good-natured wife was 'cut from the same piece.'  Mr. Brown, the year before, had been established at Albany, with a paper called the "Republican, " under the auspices of Governor Tompkins, Chief-Justice Spencer, and other distinguished Republicans, with whom Mr. Southwick, of the "Register", and then State printer, had quarreled.  The enterprise, like everything in our old friend Brown's hands, failed. and he next found himself at Auburn, then a small village, without a sidewalk or a pavement, and, save for Sackett's Harbor, the muddiest place we ever saw.  Mr. and Mrs. Brown were originals.  Neither of them, so far as we remember,ever lost their temper or ever fretted.  the work in the office was always behind-hand, and the house always in confusion.  The paper was never out in season, and neither breakfast nor dinner were ever ready.  But it was all the same.  Subscribers waited for the paper till it was printed, and we waited for our meals till they were cooked.  The office was always full of loungers communicating or receiving news; and but for an amateur type-setter, Richard Oliphant, late editor of the "Oswego County Whig" and brother of the editor of the "Auburn Journal", to whom we became much attached, and who, though a mere boy, used to do a full share of the work, the business would have fallen still further behind-hand.

 For small town newspaper publishers, the newspaper was only one aspect of business. They handled all sorts of printing jobs for locals, including blank forms, journals and stationary. It's not surprising that such a man would branch out into writing books about current events and geography. There was a huge demand for books about the recent events of the war, but also for guides for settlers immigrating into the vast lands that had been opened up in large part due to the settlements between the US Government and the Indian nations of the Northwest and Southeast frontiers. Between 1814 and 1817 Samuel R Brown wrote and published Views of the Campaigns of the Northwestern Army (1814), Views on Lake Erie (1814), two volumes of An Authentic History of the Second War for Independence (1815), and the Western Gazetteer, or, Emigrant's Directory (1817). Many of these books relied on Brown's own travels throughout the western frontier, or on first hand accounts he had examined from correspondents. There are a number of stories or descriptions in his books on General William Henry Harrison's campaigns in 1813 which contain odd details, and lead me to believe they are based on his own direct experience, even though his books are usually listed under the category of secondary works in most historiography of the War of 1812. Another veteran of the war, writing in the 1870s, accused Brown of printing "camp rumor" rather than a objective history.

As a War of 1812 historian, the question for me remained-- was Samuel R Brown present during the Siege of Fort Meigs, the aftermath of the Battle of Lake Erie, or the Battle of the Thames? How could he have been involved in all these events and yet, seemingly without missing a beat be peacefully back in his print shop above the wheel wright's in Auburn, with his wife and six kids and working on his newspaper and book manuscripts?

As to the nature of his service, there is only a small hint in his obituary:
"Mr. Brown was a rational lover of our free, Republican Institutions; warmly attached to the
best interests of his country, and ever vigilant and prompt to promote it's prosperity, and
defend and enhance it's glory.  On the tented field he was a patriotic soldier.  In the heat of
battle, he stood a hero, undismayed by the crash of arms, unappalled by the sight of blood,
and, proud and fearless in the front of danger, he did breast himself against..."

"In the late War, Mr. Brown evinced the spirit of a freeman, under the immediate command of Col.
Johnson of Kentucky.  Not until Proctor was vanquished and Tecumseh slain upon the battlefield
did the unfortunate Brown quit the frontiers of his country and return to the bosom of his
family, his kindred and his friends."

But there is nothing to suggest that Samuel R Brown was attached as a volunteer to the famous Regiment of Mounted Riflemen led by Colonel Richard Johnson. The answer, seems instead to come from the modern brute-force technology of Googling, because a my search for his name and the term "War of 1812" pulled up a hit on a muster roll of Captain James A McClelland's company of Volunteer Light Dragoons, which in turn served under Major James V. Ball throughout the 1813 campaign. This supports his own account, because almost as an aside Brown mentioned that he was attached to McClelland's company throughout the campaign.

He was definitely present with Ball's dragoons during the siege of Fort Meigs:

Notwithstanding the incessant fire of the enemy, the men were obliged to go to the river for water every night--the well not being finished... Their 24 pound shot passed through the pickets without cutting them down. Our gunners silenced one of their pieces several times. They did not fire so rapidly as the enemy, but with a better aim...

One reason why our troops did not sustain a greater loss in the fort, was because the men had contrived a kind of bomb proof retreat all along the ditch immediately behind the pickets. They would watch the enemy's fire and knew when to squat into their hiding places. By this means many valuable lives were saved.

Vast quantities of rain fell during the siege--the soil within the pickets is clay, and the constant treading of the men and horses caused the whole area of the fort to become a perfect bed of mortar, half leg deep--the frequent bursting of shells caused it to fly in every direction, covering officers and men with mud. 

Brown's pamphlets and histories are a valuable primary account of the campaign, especially the events which he was present to witness, including the siege of Fort Meigs, and as we shall see, the aftermath of the Battle of Lake Erie, the amphibious landings near Fort Malden, recapture of Detroit and the Battle of the Thames.

Agent "Constant Bacon"

In early 1814, the British forces, having narrowly seen off invading American armies from the Fort George area and along the St. Lawrence River, anxiously awaited a renewed attack as the Americans came out of winter quarters in the spring. A crucial piece of intelligence fell into their lap when an American sutler, or merchant licensed to sell goods such as liquor to US troops, defected to the British headquarters at York (present day Toronto, Ontario). He outlined the American troop deployments, caches of supplies, and plans to attack the Canadian side of the Niagara River. His motive? He had borrowed money to buy whiskey to sell to the troops, but some soldiers had robbed the whiskey, leaving him still owing the money. "Constant Bacon" is pretty obviously a code name: maybe the British gave him some money to pay his creditors and sent him back over the river to act as a secret agent...

From E. A. Cruikshank, The Documentary History of the Campaign on the Niagara Frontier, 1896.

James Bentley, a British veteran who fought for the US in the War of 1812

From Find-A-Grave
I was poking around local and genealogical websites looking for clues as to whether Lt. John Anderson of the 19th Infantry in 1812 was related in some way to Colonel John Anderson of the 2nd Michigan Regiment of Militia. Since Lt. Anderson, a West Point graduate whom I featured in my last "people of 1812" post, had settled in the Detroit area before being called back to the flag, I thought it possible he might be the son or nephew of the other Anderson. Such family connections were not uncommon during the war, and formed an important social tapestry underlying many events.

At any rate, I found this entry for a Monroe County veteran, Private James Bentley very interesting. Seems Bentley was a British deserter from the Battle of Copenhagen in 1801, who found himself caught up once again in the tides of war in 1812. He is listed as a Private in Captain Richard Smyth's Company of Cavalry, Legionary Corps of Michigan. Part of this unit, under Cornet Isaac Lee, was stationed in Frenchtown (Monroe) Michigan and fled south to Urbana, Ohio instead of surrendering. The distinction between the Legionary Corps and the Militia is important. The Corps was made up of volunteers, and Bentley may well have armed and equipped himself as a cavalryman for the war with Britain out of his own funds.

(From "Veterans Buried in Monroe County" Monroe Evening News, Saturday, April 17, 1951 [contributed to Genealogy Trails by Don King]
 http://habitantheritage.org/yahoo_site_admin/assets/docs/War_of_1812_for_website.1642653.pdf accessed 2/7/2017)

James Bentley . Born Nov. 5, 1784 in England, he died Aug. 13, 1864. He married Amanda Barker, born Dec. 12, 1800, on Jan. 31, 1816. She died Apr. 18, 1889, in Monroe. They are buried in St. Paul's Cemetery in Monroetown. Mr. Bentley served as a non-commissioned officer under Gen. James Winchester and his wife was a witness to the war. As a British soldier at the ill-famed Battle of Copenhagen, Mr. Bentley deserted, as did many of his comrades, and in 1803 came to the River Raisin. He joined the militia company here of Capt. Issac Lee. After Winchester was defeated here, Bentley and 16 others from Frenchtown joined Gen. W.H. Harrison's force at Maumee and fought in the two sieges of Ft. Meigs. He frequently ran the gauntlet of British and Indian fire to bring water from the river. Harrison sent him to carry messages from the besieged fort to other posts. After the war he carried the mail from Maumee to Detroit, on horseback or, in wet weather, by canoe. With James Knaggs and Medard Labadie, both of Frenchtown, he was in the Battle of the Thames and all three witnessed the death of Tecumseh at the hands of Col. Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky. His wife came to Frenchtown with her stepfather, H. Brooks, and Stephen Downing in 1815. The Bentley and Downing farms adjoined.

Here is the roll of Cornet Lee's troopers. They would have been attached to Major James V. Ball's Squadron of Light Dragoons and fought in most of the engagements and skirmishes of the 1813 campaign in the Northwest.
(From Diane Wolford Sheppard "Michigan Militia Members Serving in the War of 1812 – Part 2" in Michigan’s Habitant Heritage, Vol. 34, #2, April 2013, http://habitantheritage.org/yahoo_site_admin/assets/docs/Michigan_Militia_-_part_2_-_final.143190925.pdf accessed 2/7/2017)

Detachment of Richard Smith’s Cavalry Troops attached to The Legionary Corps of Michigan Militia commanded by Isaac Lee, p. 62 [This detachment was stationed at River Raisin and fled to Urbana, Ohio, after Hull surrendered Detroit. They participated in the fall expeditions against the Native-American villages in Indiana Territory]
 Isaac Lee, Cornet, 1 May 1812
John Ruland, Corporal, 1 May 1812
James Bently, Private, 1 May 1812 
Scott Robb, Private, 1 May 1812
James Robb, Private, 1 May 1812
Robert Glays, Private, 1 May 1812
Saml Dibble, Private, 1 May 1812
William Hunter, Private, 1 May 1812
John Murphy, Private, 1 May 1812
Michael McDarmid, Private, 1 May 1812
Louis Hunter, Private, 1 May 1812
Samuel Young, Private, 1 May 1812
 Francis Moffett, Private, 1 May 1812
Silas Leviton? Private, 1 May 1812
Orin Roades, Private, 1 May 1812
James Knaggs, Private, 1 May 1812
Louis Drouillard, Private, 1 May 1812 

Colonel John Anderson, US Topographical Engineers

More information about John Anderson, an early graduate of West Point who served in the War of 1812 as well as in the Topographical Engineers after the war.
(Born Ct.)

JOHN ANDERSON

(Ap'd Vt.)

—

Military History. — Cadet of the Military Academy, Oct. 9, 1806, to Dec. 9, 1807, when he was graduated and promoted in the Army to
Second Lieut., Reg. of Artillerists, Dec. 9, 1807.

Served: in garrison at Atlantic posts, 1807‑11.
Resigned, May 1, 1811.

Re-appointed in the Army with the rank of
First Lieut., 19th Infantry, July 6, 1812.

Served: in the War of 1812‑15 with Great Britain, in the Campaign of 1812 in Michigan Territory, becoming a prisoner of war, Aug. 16, 1812,
(Captain, 19th Infantry, Mar. 16, 1813)

(Bvt. Major, Staff — Top. Engineer, Apr. 12, 1813)

on the Surrender of Detroit, — and in the Campaign of 1814, as Chief Top. Engineer on the Staff of Major-General Izard; in exploring Northwestern and Western Territory, 1815; on the Survey of Lake Champlain, etc., 1815‑16; in constructing Military Road from Detroit, Mich., to Maumee River, 1817; and on Survey of Sites for Fortifications on the
(Bvt. Lieut.‑Colonel, Apr. 12, 1823,
for Faithful Service Ten Years in one Grade)

New England Coast, 1826‑29, — of Hudson River, 1829, — of Taunton and Weymouth Canal, Mas., 1833, — and of the Shores of the Northwestern Lakes, 1834.
Died, Sep. 14, 1834, at Detroit, Mich.: Aged 54.

Lieutenant Hezekiah Johnson, freight officer at Pittsburgh

Pittsburgh, though a hundred miles or so from the front lines and never directly threatened during the War of 1812, was vital to the war effort. Simply put, it was the "hub" from which supplies and most manufactured goods moved over the mountains separating the United States east coast from the interior of the continent were transshipped from horse-drawn Conestoga wagons and put onto boats to descend the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. Most of these boats would have been the versatile and ubiquitous keel boats of Mike Fink fame. Fink himself was active on the Ohio and Miami Rivers about this time.


Fort Fayette in 1795 can be seen at the top right corner of this map of Pittsburgh. Fort Pitt is the large star shaped fort at the point, and the ruins of French Fort Duquesne lie at the very end of the point.

When the War of 1812 began, a torrent of supplies and equipment and even ordnance began moving through Pittsburgh. The iron industry was already in its infancy there, and was given a boost by military contracts for cannonballs and eventually the iron fittings for the squadron building at Erie, PA. The small Army post at Fort Fayette, about a mile from the confluence of the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers, which had replaced the old British Fort Pitt in 1792, became a center of bustling activity. The responsibility for making sure the supplies got to where they were needed devolved upon a junior officer of the 1st Regiment of Infantry, Hezekiah Johnson. Lt. Johnson seems to have been at odds with both General William Henry Harrison, who depended on him for supplies, and the teamsters who contracted to move the heavy army shipments. He also had to work with Major Amos Stoddard, who was the officer in charge of preparing ordnance and ammunition for the Northwestern Army to replace that lost at Detroit in August 1812. New Orleans and St. Louis were also supplied from this point. Because everything issued to the army in the west and south passed through this point, the surviving records (many of them penned by Lt. Johnson himself) offer a good picture of what kinds of equipment and clothing would have actually been available to the soldiers of 1812.

Fort Fayette was replaced by the Allegheny Arsenal in 1814, which continued to be an active US Army post through the Spanish American War.

Matthew Elliott, British Indian Agent and Militia Colonel

In my profiles of people connected with the War of 1812 in the Northwest the figure of Matthew Elliott looms large. From Pontiac's Rebellion to the Battle of the Thames he was involved in all the major white-Indian conflicts in the region. This is a brief sketch of his career, taken mostly from his entry in the always-helpful Dictionary of Canadian Biography.

• Born c. 1739 in County Donegal, Ireland
• Settled in Pennsylvania 1761. Served as a volunteer with British forces suppressing Pontiac's rebellion in 1763.
• Traded with Shawnee Indians along the Scioto River, in the Ohio country.
• 1774 acted as emissary on behalf of Shawnee during Lord Dunmore's War.
• 1776 American (Continental) representative to Indians to Delaware and Shawnee peoples. Arrested as a spy by the British but soon released on parole.
• 1778 served as British scout at Vincennes. 
• 1779-82 based out of Detroit, fought in various actions in Kentucky and Ohio country, including Crawford's Defeat and Blue Licks. Associated with a company of Butler's Rangers operating from Detroit during this period.
• Following the Revolutionary War, Elliott established a prosperous farm near Amherstburg, staffed in large part with slaves he had kidnapped from Kentucky settlements in the war.
• 1790 became assistant to Indian Superintendent at Detroit Alexander McKee. Active British emissary to Indians along the Maumee Valley.
• Present at the Battle of Fallen Timbers in 1794 as an observer.
• Friend of Moravian missionaries, who helped them establish a settlement on the Thames River called Moraviantown in 1792. 
• 1796-97 Named Indian Superintendent at Amherstburg. Dismissed for alleged corruption and disagreements with local military authorities. 
• 1808 Reappointed Superintendent. Worked to counter American influence among Northwest Indian nations.
• 1811 Allegedly instructs Indian allies to wait for his signal to commence war on United States.
• War of 1812, served as Lt. Colonel of the First Essex militia regiment, served in most of the frontier battles. Lost son Alexander during the war. Farm is burned by Americans.
• 1813 Following the Battle of the River Thames, retreated to Burlington, Upper Canada and continued to fight.
• Died of illness 7 May 1814.
• Notably, had two sons by a Shawnee woman, and later married a Sarah Donovan in 1810 and had two more sons before his death.

Most American accounts of this era identify Elliott as a sort of bete noire of American settlers in the west, and claim he pulled the strings behind many of the Indian battles and massacres. That much is doubtful, but he had a large influence on the Indians of the Northwest. In charge of the Indian agency, he controlled their supply of powder and shot, as well as manufactured goods such as tomahawks, knives and blankets, which were distributed as gifts.

 Although his official instructions were to keep the Indians neutral until their aid was needed for the defense of Canada, it's not hard to imagine that him and other Indian Department die-hards were acting independently and prepared to start a war in order to secure their allies from American expansion and assert their trading rights in the region. The British garrison commander at Amherstburg reported that his estimates of how many Indians would join the British cause in time of war with America were overly optimistic. He thought that as many as 4,000 warriors would flock to the British cause. In the event, many thousands of men, women and children became dependent on British supplies during the War of 1812 as the Americans burned them out of their villages, and it became more than the thin Crown supply lines could bear.